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_______________Joaquin Sorolla y Bastida (1863-1923), Puerto de Valencia (Port of Valencia)
MUDEJARS OF VALENCIA
“Mechanical Convivencia” In Three Centuries Of Existence
Submitted by: Fatmanur Samastı
Introduction
Mudejar is the name given to the Muslim groups living as subjects of Christian kingdoms in the medieval Iberian Peninsula. In this essay, first I want to talk about the Mudejar concept in general including their status regarding the perception of co-religionists through the debates among the Muslim ulema. I will specifically focus on the Mudejar community under the kingdom of Valencia which has some peculiarities among other Mudejar communities in Spain. By investigating the status of the Mudejar community in Valencia throughout its existence (1230s-1520s), I want to see if there is any change in the perceptions towards the Mudejars throughout the lifespan of this community. I will try to explore if there is a shift in the perceptions of Christian rulers from toleration to hostility that led to the exile policies or was there a consistency in their perceptions of Mudejars throughout their dominance over these Muslim subjects. To what extent the argument of convivencia , the peaceful co-existence of different religions in medieval Spain, was applicable to the 
Valencian case? Or do we
have to reconsider the meaning of convivencia in Valencia?
To observe the conditions of existence of these Muslim communities under Christian rule in Valencia, I will selectively talk about the attitudes towards them through the established laws concerning the Mudejars and general treatment towards them. While touching upon these selective cases, I will question the background and mentality which shaped these attitudes.
Mudejars and Their Status among the Muslim Ulema
With the advance of the reconquesta movements that were initiated to regain the lands conquered by Muslim forces in the 8th century, Muslims under the dominance of Spain, the Mudejars, had emerged as a new concept and a new mode of existence. The word Mudejar connotes several meanings all of which was explained with a story of its own. Harvey makes a detailed analysis on the problems of terminology while dealing with the Muslims of medieval Spain [L.P. Harvey, Islamic Spain 1250 to 1500 (Chicago: Univ. Of Chicago Press, 1992), pp. 1-5]. What makes the most sense within the several meanings attached to the word Mudejar is one of its use in Arabic and Ottoman sources as “ahl al-decn/ mudeccen” meaning people who stay on and get used to [Ibid., p. 4; Mehmet Özdemir, “Müdeccenler” Diyanet İslam Ansiklopedisi p.465].
 When the Christian reconquesta began from the eighth century onwards the motivations of the participants in the expeditions towards Muslims had been directed by religious hostility according to Lomax. However, until the 11th century the popes were not interested in the reconquesta. It was only after Alexander II, as part of the Gregorian reform, a centralization of administration under the papacy started to take place which aimed the moral conversion of all Christians as well as reconquesting of territory from the Muslims throughout the Mediterranean basin [Derek W. Lomax, The Reconquest of Spain (N.York: Longman, 1978), pp. 58-59].
Lomax argues the novelty of the 11th century “is not foreign expeditionaries nor the concept of Holy war but the idea of Crusade that is a holy war entered into for religious motives, authorized by the Church and conferring on its participants a specific juridical status” [Ibid., p. 174.]. So with the new motivation of the northern Christian kingdoms of Spain reconquesta accelerated and the first examples of subject Muslim groups –mudejars- are seen in the 11th cc.; in Castile after the capture of Toledo in 1085, in Aragon with the surrender of Huesca in 1096 and in Navarre with the fall of Tudela to the Christian forces in 1119 [L.P. Harvey “The Mudejars,” in Salma Khadra Jayyusi (ed.), The Legacy of Muslim Spain (Leiden; New York : E.J. Brill, 1994), p. 176].
Mudejar status existed in Castile until 1500s, in Navarre until 1515 and in Aragon and Valencia until mid 1520s [L.P. Harvey “The Mudejars,” in Salma Khadra Jayyusi (ed.), The Legacy of Muslim Spain (Leiden; New York : E.J. Brill, 1994), p. 176]. From 1500s onwards the forced conversion issue starts affecting the different kingdoms at different times. And from then on until the beginning of 17th century, these communities existed as the converted Muslims: moriscos. When the condition of these communities under Christian rule until the forced conversion policies is taken into account it becomes easier to agree with Meyerson in his usage of two inconsistent concepts, coexistence and crusade, together to understand the medieval Spain.
Before dealing with the living conditions of Mudejars and treatment of them throughout their existence, it is important to note the way they were perceived among the Islamic world. The fact that the conditions of these communities were investigated highly based on the Christian accounts and archives could be somehow related to these perceptions.
 The most organized account concerning the status of the Mudejars among the Islamic world is the collection of Fatwas in Kitab-al Mi’yar by Ahmed bin Yahya al-Wansharishi who was a mufti from North Africa. It is understood from the several cases in this collection that there is no way of approval to the subject Muslim status. According to the Kitab-al Mi’yar emigration from the lands of unbelief is an obligation that continues right
up to the Judgment day [L.P. __________________________Valencia-the mudejar towers Harvey, Islamic Spain 1250 to
1500 (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1992), p. 56. ]. Even in a case where there is a man who has an opportunity to emigrate but occupies an important position and a representative status among the Muslim community who are obliged to stay, when asked if it is appropriate for such a man to stay in the lands of the Christian rulers, the legal opinion of the mufti emphasizes the requirement to distance himself from the enemies of God [Ibid., p. 57]. In addition, the excerpt from Wansarishi saying “Living with the unbelievers, if they are not folk who have a protected status and a situation of inferiority is not allowable, not for so much as one hour a day, because all the dirt and filth involved, and the religious as well as the secular corruption which continues all the time..” although might lead one to think that the mufti occupied an extremist position on the subject, these words according to Harvey reflects the consensus of the day [L.P. Harvey “The Mudejars” p.179].
Another group of muftis in Cairo towards the beginnings of the forced conversions, also advised to emigrate but the obligations were less strict than in the fatwas of Kitab-al Miyar. According to the muftis of Cairo, when it is possible for a Muslim to emigrate it is an obligation for him to leave the lands of the unbelievers. The restrictions posed by the Christian rulers, the economic conditions of the subject Muslim are all considered as obstacles and seen as pardons for the emigrations. For instance, if a Muslim cannot emigrate with spending one third of his wealth, he is excused to stay on the land, which was reflecting the condition of the majority [L.P. Harvey, Muslims in Spain 1500 to 1614
_____________________________________________(Chicago and London: Univ. Of
 Chicago Pres, 2005), pp. 65-68].
From these examples one can understand that the status of the Mudejar was not an approved status among their co-religionists. Harvey links this fact to the academic treatment of the Mudejar community among the Muslims as well. He thinks that “Mudejars were an embarrassing anomaly, to be passed over in tactful silence” for most of the Muslim authors [L.P. Harvey, “The Mudejars” p. 177]. So the studies concerning them mostly comes from the archives of the Christian kingdoms which might be full of biases but thanks to reading between the lines and careful survey of the historians of the medieval Spain, we can reach a healthier approach than we can get from a surface reading of royal archives.
Vincenzo Carducci (1568-1638) La Expulsión de los Moriscos,
Museo del Prada, Madrid
Mudejars of Valencia
In 1238 James I the conqueror captured the city of Valencia after the largest Muslim group became under Christian domination and as Burns puts, the Muslims became mere guests in their own home as these new owners moved in [Robert I Burns, Medieval Colonialism: Postcrusade exploitation of Islamic Valencia (Princeton; New Jersey: Princeton Univ. Press, 1975), p. 11]. Valencia was an important area with its bustling little ports, luxuriant farmlands, well-traveled roads, and proud walled cities like Burriana or Peñíscola in the north, Játiva or Alcira in the south, and Cullera or Murviedro in the center [Robert I. Burns, The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia; Reconstruction on a thirteenth century Frontier (Harvard University Press, 1967) p.3].
Although the Mudejars of all other areas adopted various forms of speech of their Christian conquerors, Valencia group retained their Arabic until the end. For Harvey, Valencia becomes an exception to the division between the Arabic speaking Granadans and Romance speaking Mudejars who probably had never adopted the language of Arabic as vernacular due to their distanced location to the Arabic speaking lands. And the fact that still in the sixteenth century Valencia could boast the largest Arabic-speaking group remaining in the whole Iberian Peninsula is partly due to the closeness of the North African coast and their communication with Muslims overseas [L.P. Harvey, Islamic Spain p. 15; Muslims in Spain p. 80]. And the widespread usage of Arabic language in post-crusade Valencia became the primary perceived difference and alienating factor between Muslims and Christians in conquered Valencia [Robert I. Burns, Muslims, Christians, and Jews in The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, “The Language Barrier” (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1984), p. 192].
Attitudes towards Mudejars in Valencia
Establishment of the socio-economic system under Christian Rule
In order to explain the relations of Muslims and Christians in the medieval Iberia, Meyerson makes use of the words “coexistence/convivencia” and “crusade”. In his book concerning the Muslims of Valencia in the 15th century he says that neither "peaceful coexistence" nor "fanatical belligerence" are accurately descriptive in explaining the conditions in Spain of the times [Mark Meyerson, The Muslims of Valencia in the age of Fernando and Isabel; Between Coexistence and Crusade (University of California Press, 1990), p. 1].
From the mid-thirteenth century onwards Valencia was established as a crusader kingdom under the James I the conqueror of Arago-Catalonia (1208-76). The general fueros that are the laws of the Aragon gives clues about what was going on in those times. When the fueros including the rights of the Muslims were declared for Aragon in 1247 which were promulgated by James I, Valencia had not yet become an independent kingdom. The fueros Harvey selected that are related to Mudejars in general shows the position of the Muslim in Christian Aragon as on the margins and in a position of inferiority as can be exemplified with the rule which dictates for the Mudejar community an obligation of listening to the preachers of the Christian men of religion [L.P. Harvey, Islamic Spain p. 104]. Also there was a separation of the community from the Christians with the establishment of places called morerias. However, in the first days after the establishment of kingdom of Valencia, the laws of Valencia that was specially called the furs demonstrates an important consideration concerning the rights of the Mudejar subjects. The abundance of the Muslims is thought to be the reason for the relatively more tolerant attitudes towards Mudejars of Valencia and the relatively protected arena for practicing their religion and keeping their language. This does not mean however for Harvey that the civilization of Islam and Arabic in Valencia remained unchanged [Ibid., p 119].
In order to see the consideration of the rights of Mudejars in Valencia a few examples would give idea. The rights James I granted to the Muslims of the Uxo valley includes the right to continue their sunna in their marriages and other matters. In addition they may appoint a judge/qadi, a superintendent/amin and muhtasib whose responsibilities were more inclusive in the tighter organization of urban life in a Christian society than in the Islamic world [Ibid., pp. 125-133].
Another example concerning the rights of the Mudejars is the separate butcheries they have. Although king James after the conquest of Valencia limited its Christian meat stall to a single locality, he granted right to have a separate butchering place for his Muslim subjects in order them to be able to operate according to their rite or sunna [Robert I Burns, Medieval Colonialism: Postcrusade exploitation of Islamic Valencia (Princeton; New Jersey: Princeton Univ. Press, 1975), pp. 44-9].
As for the reason of this consideration of the rights of the Muslims in the young kingdom of Valencia, Burns’ arguments and depictions of a variety of sources can give a useful perspective. Burns offers the study of the conquest and colonial pacification of the Almohad waliate of Valencia in the thirteenth century as a suitable area for experiment to those who want to approach conflict and contract between Spanish Muslims and Christians [Robert I. Burns, “Musllim-Christian Conflict and Contact” in Muslims, Christians, and Jews in The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, (Cambridge Univ. Press, 1984), p. 9]. He takes the period until 1245 as the crusade period and the period until 1285 as the period of reconstruction.
In the focused analysis on the thirteenth century Valencian economy under the title “Medieval Colonialism”, Burns brings forward the economic system of the early periods of the kingdom through a detailed analysis of tax structure. He points out the importance of the sophisticated economic system that was established in the period of the Islamic Province of Valencia. Not only have the evidences that comes from the tax records, but also the contemporary writers underlined the fact that “Valencia was a land of wealth in industries, commerce, and agriculture” [Robert I Burns, Medieval Colonialism, p.28 ]. The examples from urban economy to sophisticated irrigation systems in agriculture; from the tax systems to the work discipline it seems that the Christian Kingdom adopted much from the existing sophisticated system. As for the explanations for the attitudes towards Mudejars in the early days of their presence in Christian Valencia, these revealed facts provide a mode of thought. One can say Burns takes the issue as an economical benefit to the new kingdom that prevents James to mistreat his Mudejar subjects. Harvey also mentions the inclusion of the Mudejars in the feudal system of Christian society emphasizing the motivation on the benefits from the productive and technologically developed agricultural know how of the community.
The warnings of the church in terms of restricting the rights of the Mudejars during the 14th century confirms the arguments of the tolerated incorporation of the Mudejars into the Christian society and for Harvey these rights and tolerances forms the background of the popular resentment against the Muslims that arose among the Christian lower classes in between 1276 and 1291 and seen in the continuing centuries as well [L.P. Harvey, Islamic Spain pp.133-137]. The roots of forced conversion initiated with the demands of the Church can also be seen in the early years under Christian rule in Valencia which are reflected on the writings of a contemporary. The excerpt from a Mallorcan poet-philosopher Ramon Llull (1232-1316) from 1285 helps us to understand the mentality of the early kingdom of Valencia. The character called Blanquerna is a clergyman and his preaches advice to learn Arabic for the Christian preachers and to teach Latin to the Mudejars forcefully so that they will be convinced to accept Christianity [Olivia R. Constable, Medieval Iberia Readings from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Sources (Univ. Of Pennsylvania Press, ed.1997) pp. 280-84]. Another excerpt refers to the life of Ramon Llull that he himself learned Arabic for the purpose of preaching [Colin Smith, Christians and Moors in Spain, Vol II:1195-1614 (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, ed. 1989) pp.74-77]. In addition to the reflections of the desire for converting the Mudejar population, the excerpts reflect the problem of communication between Muslims and Christians because of language differences.
 Boswell in his 14th century analysis of the Mudejar communities under the crown of Aragon [John Boswell, The Royal Treasure, Muslim Communities Under The Crown of Aragon in the Fourteenth Century (Yale Univ. Press, 1977)] during the war time with Castile supports Burn’s and Harvey’s arguments in terms of the economic value of the Mudejar community for the crown. As “Royal Treasures” of the crown the majority of an established Muslim community was economically essential for the monarchy. Other than this argument, Boswell makes an Castel of Guadalest-a village of Islamic origin in Alicante____.important conclusion _____________________________________________concerning the different nature of Valencian Mudejar community in its relations with the Christians. He compares the conditions of Mudejars of Aragon with Valencia and concludes that although the Valencians as showed in Harvey had acquired rights and tolerance before the crown, their convivencia must be understood in a more mechanical sense. They spoke little Romance and their interaction with the Christian society was much less than the Aragonese Mudejares. In addition to the argument of Harvey in which he states the toleration of the crown toward Mudejares made the Christian folk reactive to Mudejares, Boswell adds that their lack of communication with the Christian society and their lack of loyalty to the society could also be responsible for the reactive and intolerant attitudes of Christian folk in Valencia [Ibid., pp. 399-400].
Different than the dominant emphasis on the economical system, some further explanations could also be made to understand the background of the relative incorporation of the Mudejar community and tolerant attitudes in behalf of the rulers. While the fear of uprisings because of the significant majority of the Muslim community was a factor to consider the rights of the Muslims, one other factor can be explained by the scarcity of the Christian settlers in the region especially in the early days. The settlement policy was part of the project in general reconquesta movement. As Lomax notes, the settlement of the Christians in the conquered lands before 1085 had been comparable to the asserting of waste land by land hungry peasants elsewhere in Europe, but after the date of the capture of Toledo, it became a deliberate political act of the kings who tried to ensure that conquered territories should not be lost again through the disloyalty of their Muslim inhabitants who had the majority. In order to guarantee this, Christian settlers were moved into the new lands and often but not always the Muslims were expelled [Derek W. Lomax, The Reconquest of Spain (N.York: Longman, 1978), p. 96]. This was not the case for Valencia and in addition, the complaints of King James towards the end of his life shows that the settlement policy for the highly Muslim populated Valencia was not achieved as expected. James says that although for safety the necessary number of Christian settlers for Valencia was 100.000 it was still 30.000 [Robert I Burns, Medieval Colonialism: Postcrusade exploitation of Islamic Valencia (Princeton; New Jersey: Princeton Univ. Press, 1975) pp. 13-14].
In general, according to the abovementioned authors, the most important and the most effective factor for the early tolerance of Christian rulers was the issue of benefits from the richness and technologies of the Muslims in the long run. Boswell also emphasized the increased importance of the Mudejar population as a tax base during the long war period with Castile. As Halperin puts it, toleration of continuing Moorish presence is not because of preference but because of necessity [Charles J. Halperin, “The Ideology of Silence: Prejudice and Pragmatism on the Medieval Religious Frontier” in Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 26, No. 3, (Jul., 1984), pp. 447].
The time of Fernando; towards the last stage of Mudejar Existence
Meyerson talks about Valencia in its last periods with the Mudejar community that is the period of Isabella and Fernando. He, firstly, tries to reflect the intention of the monarchs for the changing policies towards the non Christian subjects. Similar to the fear of Jewish influence on the neo-conversos which would lead the new converted people towards their ex-religions, the problem with the Muslim subjects also rose after the community of Moriscos started to emerge by 1500s. To prevent the communication of these newly converted people with the Muslims there starts a policy of separation that results in the expulsions of the Mudejars in Granada and Castile with the hope that in time the Moriscos would become sincere Christians [Mark D. Meyerson, The Muslims of Valencia in the age of Fernando and Isabel; Between Coexistence and Crusade (University of California Press, 1990), pp. 12-13].
As for the intentions of Fernando, for Meyerson, he did not entertain designs of expulsion for the Mudejar communities under his rule as was the case in conversos and Jews [Meyerson, pg. 51]. He bases his argument on Fernando’s policies concerning the Muslim subjects. They seem interesting hence under the title “augmenting the royal treasure” we learn from the inferences of Meyerson that Fernando increased the number of royal morerias and wanted to settle Muslim population from the conquered lands of Granada. Meyerson does not forget to add that these were done with the purpose no more than widening his own tax base [Ibid., p. 18]. The policies of Fernando towards the Mudejars in Valencia reflect his consideration of all of the variables according to Meyerson. For him, the Inquisitors and Isabel were more single-minded with respect to the religious minorities [Ibid., p. 58]. Fernando was not rejecting the ideal of religious uniformity but was not approving this Project at all costs like his wife Isabel. Lea puts it as “In dealing with a people whose liberties were so extensive and whose jealousy as to their maintenance was so sensitive, Ferdinand was far too shrewd to provoke opposition by the abrupt introduction of the Inquisition such as he had forced upon Castile” [Henry Charles Lea, A History of the Inquisition of Spain (Macmillan, 1906-07) (online) http://libro.uca.edu, p. 230].
Harvey criticizes the optimistic approach of Meyerson towards Ferdinand’s intentions. He attributes this intention reading to the silence of the royal archives in terms of reflecting the anti-Muslim intentions of Ferdinand [L.P. Harvey, Muslims in Spain p. 81]. Both international relations and home affairs affected the choice of Ferdinand not to issue an edict of conversion in 1502 together with Castile according to Harvey and it was not just a personal choice or cleverness of Ferdinand as claimed in Meyerson [Ibid.,pp. 82-83]. In addition, the toleration of Ferdinand should be sought in a continued tradition of the Arogenese crown to be a protector of the interests of their subject Muslims. It would be risky to relinquish that role for Ferdinand according to Harvey [Ibid., 85].
 While the policies and treatment of Ferdinand towards Mudejares of Valencia seems tolerant at face value the conditions among the Christian folk of Valencia gets worse. As mentioned above from Harvey’s argument, the protected status of the Mudejares of the thirteenth century Valencia led to hatred towards Muslim subjects within the Christian folk. This fact is continued during the crisis years in 14th century since the economic value of Muslims for the crown still remained highly as Boswell concretizes in the title “the Royal Treasure”. Although, for Boswell, there was an opportunity for intense social interaction in this time of crisis, the limited communication could not give way to a more tolerant attitude within Christian folk toward Muslim subjects. In the time of Ferdinand, the same inconsistency between the folk and the rulers in terms of attitudes towards Muslim subjects seem to be continued. Although the protection policies of Ferdinand continued the tradition of Arogenese crown, the Mudejar inferiority and hatred towards them deepened as can be seen in the excerpts taken from a court record that deals with the case of violence in the Corpus Christi day in Valencia. In this example the problem between two Mudejars led to a murder in the Corpus Christi celebration of the Christians. When the event took place the whole Christian folk took up arms against the Muslims [Olivia R. Constable, Medieval Iberia Readings from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Sources (Univ. Of Pennsylvania Press, ed.1997), pp. 338-340]. The increased hatred leads to more and more riots and reactions towards the Mudejar population until the expulsions from the Spain. Halperin points out that the rights and tolerances given to the Mudejar population, from the beginning until the end, can not be reflections of intimate toleration because the Christianity and Islam in Spain were basically incompatible and neither of them recognized the legitimacy of the other that lead in the end to an atmosphere where the “hatred outrun the cooperation” in Spain or “the prejudice outweighed pragmatism” [Charles J. Halperin, “The Ideology of Silence: Prejudice and Pragmatism on the Medieval Religious Frontier” in Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 26, No. 3, (Jul., 1984), p. 447].
Conclusion
It can be argued that there was a schizophrenic treatment toward the Muslims of Valencia which had tolerant and intolerant aspects together and which hold the ‘crusade’ and ‘coexistence’ dimensions in its nature. From the beginning until the end it seems nothing has changed that much but as the last part of the story might lead us think that the need of incorporation of the Muslim community decreased in the long run with the gradual increase in Christian population and the adaptation of the necessary systems of technologies of Muslim heritage in time. We can see that the conjuncture also determines the policies. There was still a state of Muslims until 1492 which can be a threat especially if it cooperates with the Muslim world such as the rising power of the Ottoman state.
Concerning the deeds of the monarchs towards their Mudejar subjects there appears a picture where the presumptions lead us to wrong directions. The conqueror titled monarch James I who had completed the reconquesta of Valencia seems to operate contrary to his crusader mind which necessitates a harsher treatment or an immediate expulsion policy. Although the furs he established include some strict discriminating rules towards the Muslim subjects, it can not be said that these subjects were totally ignored. Whether in search for economic profit or technological benefit it seems a crusader kingdom continued its lifespan with the ‘relative’ integration and with the existence of Muslim communities as a result of the policies of the conqueror James.
In the case of Fernando, Meyerson again breaks the presumptions by presenting the policies of Fernando which aim an increase in the number of Mudejar communities. The policies concerning the forced expulsion or conversion choices in the Granada and Castile with the desire of Isabel affected by the pope could not be effective in the Ferdinand’s kingdom of Aragon including Valencia due to this “tolerant” attitude of the monarch. Although this perspective toward Ferdinand seems too optimistic according to Harvey, it brings parallels with the conditions in the beginnings of the Mudejar community in Valencia. The weird appearance of the second presumption, namely the tolerant appearance of Ferdinand in the age of expulsions, only sounds normal when the background of the earlier tolerant days is understood. It seems from the beginning, as Halperin puts, there was no intimate tolerance and as Boswell took the picture from the other side of the coin there was no effort in the realm of Muslims to incorporate or be loyal to their Christian rulers. All went under the rules of the conjunctures that are the economic benefits, need of tax base in the condition of crisis, fear of the Muslim threat from nearby Muslim kingdom of Granada. When the truth behind the relatively long existence of Mudejars in the kingdom of Valencia, that is to say the meaning of the convivencia is understood, all these conversion and expulsion policies at the beginnings of the 16th century would be less surprising.
The whole story should also be read concerning the conflicts within religions and between religions. While the disapproved position of the Mudejares within their coreligionists left the community as untouched and silenced among Muslim authors, the long lasting disapproval of Christians and Muslims against each other’s religion in Valencia could not give place to a real convivencia. Of course that is not to say that if there was loyalty among Muslims of Valencia towards their Christian rulers things would be different. Because we see in the places such as Aragon where there were more interaction between two religions, it could not prevent the expulsion experience which happened even earlier than Valencia. In the focused analysis of one kingdom it is easier to see the motivations beyond religion and loyalty and beyond the folks; motivations that are determined by the conjunctures, pragmatisms, and by the decisions of the “big men”. At the end of the inquiry I thought that the atmosphere of convivencia in Valencia was not a natural outcome of interaction from the beginning but maybe an outcome of political and economic interests of the rulers.
______________________________
REFERENCES
Boswell, John. The Royal Treasure, Muslim Communities Under The Crown of Aragon in the Fourteenth Century. Yale Univ. Press, 1977
Burns, Robert Ignatius. The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia: Reconstruction on a Thirteenth-Century Frontier. (online) http://libro.uca.edu, Harvard University Press, 1967
Burns, Robert Ignatius. Muslims, Christians, and Jews in The Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, Cambridge Univ. Press, 1984
Burns, Robert Ignatius. Medieval Colonialism: Postcrusade exploitation of Islamic Valencia. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton Univ. Press, 1975
Constable, O. Remie. Medieval Iberia: Readings from Christian, Muslim, and Jewish Sources. Univ. Of Pennsylvania Pres, Ed. 1997
Halperin, Charles J. “The Ideology of Silence: Prejudice and Pragmatism on the Medieval Religious Frontier.” Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 26, No. 3, (Jul., 1984), 442-466.
Harvey, L.P., Islamic Spain, 1250 to 1500. Chicago: Univ. Of Chicago Press, 1992
Harvey, L.P., Muslims in Spain, 1500 to 1614. Univ. Of Chicago Pres, 2005
Harvey, L.P., “The Mudejars” in Salma Khadra Jayyusi (ed.), The Legacy of Muslim Spain. (Leiden; New York : E.J. Brill, 1994), 176-187.
Lea, H.Charles. A History of the Inquisition in Spain, Vol.I, (online) http://libro.uca.edu, Macmillan, 1906-07
Lomax, Derek W., The Reconquest of Spain. N.York: Longman, 1978
Meyerson, Mark D., The Muslims of Valencia in the age of Fernando and Isabel Between Coexistence and Crusade. Unıv. Of Calıfornıa Pres, 1990
Özdemir, Mehmet. “Müdeccenler,” İslam Ansiklopedisi, İstanbul: Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı, 1988-
Smith, Colin, Christians and Moors in Spain, Vol II:1195-1614, Warminster: Aris & Phillips, ed. 1989
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